Two students have identical GPAs, but one lands an internship through a parent’s friend, an opportunity the other never knew about.
This familiar example of elite network influence proves the adage that it’s not what you know but who you know that matters. And such disparities in social connection are far more pervasive throughout daily life than generally recognized, Cornell sociologists argue in a new open-access book, “Friends and Fortunes: Social Capital Inequality in America.” Inequality in social ties is as stark as income inequality in the United States, the researchers say – and the two are mutually reinforcing.
“Why should there be differences in access to valuable social connections? Are they not free?” the authors write. “One would hope so. But the data tell a different story.”
Investigating more than 100 measures of social capital from dozens of datasets involving more than 1 million people, co-authors Benjamin Cornwell, Cristobal Young, Barum Park and Nan Feng, Ph.D. ’24, explain how social networks subtly feed hidden systems of power, prestige, wealth and, ultimately, life chances.
Cornwell and Young, professors of sociology in the College of Arts and Sciences, discussed the book with the Chronicle.
Q. What makes social connections so important?
Cornwell: Decades of social science research has shown that social network ties are valuable – for getting ahead, but really just for life chances, happiness and longevity. At the same time, just about anything good for life chances – like money – is unequally distributed. We wondered if that was also true of social ties. And once you begin looking for it, the evidence that they are is just everywhere. You can’t unsee it.
Young: Social advantages matter. They shape who hears about a job opening, who gets a recommendation, who is trusted and who is brought into the fold. This is how inequality compounds. When access to the good life depends on who you know, the promise of meritocracy starts to unravel.
Q. What counts as valuable social capital?
Cornwell: To get ahead, you need to have and be able to see opportunities when they appear. In addition to hard work and a little luck, the secret ingredient seems to be the right configuration of friends and acquaintances. Those may be found through work, but also in sports leagues, book clubs and PTA meetings.
Young: The idea of the “old boys’ club” is familiar in business and politics. But how widespread are such disparities across everyday life? To find out, we looked not only at income, but also at the shape of people’s social lives: how many close friends they have, how many groups they join, and whether their networks include people in positions of influence.
Q. What did you find?
Cornwell: Social network ties – especially those involving connections to more highly educated, wealthier and prestigious people – are disproportionately enjoyed by the rich. A few examples: We estimate that people with an income of $500,000 a year or more are twice as likely to have at least three people with whom they can discuss personally important things; two-and-a-half times as likely to participate in multiple clubs or community groups; and six times as likely to have multiple college graduates as close contacts. The rich get richer – not just materially, but socially.
Young: Rich people’s networks aren’t just larger but more powerful. The friends of top earners make 85% more than the friends of low-income earners. They are more than twice as likely to have college degrees and are far more likely to hold prestigious roles such as doctor, lawyer or executive. In short: money brings more friends, more group life, and more influential connections.
Q. Was this surprising?
Cornwell: The extent of inequality and the extent to which it is linked to income was surprising. And just how omnipresent and pernicious these dynamics are.
Young: The results were striking. Social connection is as disparate and unequal as income – and the two reinforce each other.
Q. Why should less affluent people be poorer socially?
Cornwell: Social network ties sound freely available to everyone – but they’re not, especially not the most valuable ones. If you dig deeper, you find that the friends and family of lower-income people often also are wanting, so they don’t go as far for solving problems – ranging from minor ones, like needing a ride somewhere, to big ones, like needing a loan to pay for surgery or to open a business. Those types of ties are even more hoarded by the rich.
Young: Some Americans are socially rich – surrounded by confidants, embedded in group life and connected to people in positions of influence. Others are socially poor: isolated, with few friends, little community participation and limited access to the social capital that opens doors. This kind of inequality is less visible, but shows up in who has close friends, who is well-connected and who gets left out.
Q. What can be done to address these inequities?
Cornwell: Some people don’t have adequate social connectivity not because they aren’t sociable, but because they face structural barriers to opportunities for broader connectedness. These ties are so profoundly unequally distributed that some people have an uphill battle from the start. Recognize that. And most importantly, protect and preserve your own social connections, and do what you can to help those who are disconnected, whether due to health reasons or other circumstances.
Young: We can start by rethinking how opportunity is distributed. For example, many jobs are filled through employee referrals – when someone inside the company recommends a friend, classmate or former colleague. This rewards those already connected and quietly shuts out those who aren’t. Employers and policymakers should ask whether this shortcut limits access to opportunity. Another key step is to invest in and support “third spaces” that are the infrastructure of connection – local schools, cafés, libraries, parks, rec centers and community events. They are where trust is built, where belonging is felt and where influence can be more fairly shared. In the end, inequality isn’t only about money. It’s about who gets invited in – and who is left out.